Bigger, Faster, Harder: Organize My Teeming Masses, Baby!

The New York Times has published yet another of its series of articles encapsulating developments in the power struggle within the labor federation. It’s hard to express how disappointed I am in how this debate has degenerated. What started out as an exciting difference of opinion on the way forward for organizing masses of new union members, taking on Corporate America and winning huge gains for working families has wound up being just another acrimonious electoral campaign.

First, there’s John Sweeney, who, as a public speaker may be as electrifying as dirt, but is nevertheless responsible for a minor renaissance that saved “Big Labor” from a premature death in the mid-1990’s, and who would have been looked back upon fondly by historians for sparking the resurgence in labor’s fortunes that we all hope is just around the corner. Though he promised to serve just ten years when first elected in 1995 and even once attempted to amend the AFL-CIO’s constitution to mandate the retirement of officers who have reached 70 years of age, Sweeney, at 71, is actively dismantling his legacy in order to serve one more term (the history of such power struggles suggests that he should have rode off into the sunset and handed the reins to his #2, the widely-liked Richard Trumka). The Organizing Institute will be greatly scaled back. The Union Summer program (one of the only youth-focused union programs) will be scrapped altogether. And 30% of the AFL-CIO’s staff will be “downsized” in a mean-spirited effort to placate the opposition.

The opposition, meanwhile, has backed off their most radical plans for forcing mergers and jurisdiction consolidation. Their newest proposal basically calls for the Federation to do what the Sweeney administration did, but faster and harder, while shrinking its budget by diverting more money to the international unions whose intransigence and selfish agendas have undercut the goals of Sweeney, et. al.

My crude “faster, harder” double entendre is apt since, at the “Future of Labor Conference” at Queens College last Fall, SEIU Exec. VP Gerry Hudson boldly posited that “bigger is better” when it comes to union structure.

Harvard professor Elaine Barnard’s snarky rebuttal that “it’s not the size of the boat, but the motion in the ocean” should be even more appreciated now. While the various union presidents have beaten each other bloody over issues of personality and structure, an opportunity has been lost to wrestle with the labor movement’s strategy and message. Should we engage in large scale campaigns against major corporations to organize low-paid workers? Should we break with the Democratic party? Should we commit resources to the south or focus on improving laws in the northeast? Strengthen and improve international alliances and third-world coalitions?

Or should we replace a bunch of old white guys with a different bunch of not-quite-as-old guys and just keep doing what we’ve been doing, except faster, harder and with less dissent?

Goodbye, Jamaica Avenue

One of my favorite eccentricities of the neighborhood in which I grew up is about to be eradicated in order to “alleviate confusion.” In actual fact, it’s to alleviate racist fears.

I grew up in a neighborhood called Floral Park, which is situated in outer-most Queens – so far east, in fact, that the neighborhood is bisected by New York City’s border with Nassau county. Right on red? Well, if you’re on 258th Street, you’re in the clear, but if you’re on 259th, you’re risking a ticket, unless you’re north of 89th Avenue. Best of all, our southernmost border in Northeastern Queens is called Jamaica Avenue – except when it’s called Jericho Turnpike.

Built in 1809 by the Brooklyn, Jamaica and Flatbush Turnpike Company, Jamaica Avenue is one of the oldest and most central arteries on the island we call Long. In Brooklyn, it’s Empire Blvd before it becomes E. New York Ave. Throughout Queens, it’s always been Jamaica Ave., and in Nassau it becomes Jericho Tpke.

All of these transitions are seamless, except for the two-mile stretch where the avenue serves as the border between the city and suburbia, and is called Jamaica Avenue on one side, and Jericho Turnpike on the other. A few years ago, the business community in Bellerose, one of three neighborhoods split by the road, formed an association to promote business on both sides of the border. The association made an immediate goal of eradicating Jamaica Avenue. The effort was defeated at the time as a clear effort to whitewash the neighborhood. Jamaica is a predominantly black neighborhood in central Queens, Jericho is a name associated with the lily-white suburbs, but both names have equal standing along the two-mile stretch of border. Is the Bellerose business community interested in naming both sides “Jamaica?” Hell, no!

Unfortunately, it now seems that the City Council has given in and will rename the northern side of Jamaica Avenue, Jericho Turnpike. Score one more for a failed society that refuses to build affordable housing and votes down school budgets in the interest of keeping taxes low. Score one more against racial equality and social integration.

Yo, Brooklyn!

I’m sure you’ve all been waiting patiently for my 2005 election cycle endorsements. The sad fact is there is not much to be excited about in the upcoming NYC elections. Freddy Ferrer has squandered much of his goodwill from the 2001 elections, and the Democratic contenders are likely to savage each other in the primary and hand Bloomberg an easy re-election. And, sadly, there doesn’t seem to be a strong independent candidacy to support.

The outlook is considerably brighter in Brooklyn, where community activist Gloria Mattera is running for Borough President. Gloria is a community activist with deep support in Park Slope, where she received 30% of the vote in a City Council election in 2001. She has been a very strong anti-war voice, and, as the Chairperson of the NYS Green Party, she has helped ensure that the party extend its message beyond environmentalism to become a true progressive champion of responsible development, community control, peace and justice and economic rights.

She is the only credible candidate in the Brooklyn Borough President race, where the incumbent, Marty Markowitz, clowns around as “Brooklyn’s biggest cheerleader,” and the Republicans probably don’t have enough support to field a candidate. Gloria’s campaign will be the highest profile campaign for an independent progressive during this election cycle, and deserves support from good people around the city.

A letter from Gloria Mattera:


Dear Friends and Supporters,

Some of you may already know that I have decided to run for Brooklyn Borough President. I need your help to make this important campaign a success.

There is something serious happening in Brooklyn that we cannot ignore. The current BP, Marty Markowitz, has allowed billionaire developer Bruce Ratner to change the character of our borough for the sake of getting himself a “hometown” basketball team.

The proposed Ratner development includes 17 skyscrapers, with most over 50 stories with a token of low income housing thrown in. Even if all the housing were affordable instead of high-end, the secondary displacement effect would destroy the diversity and culture of Fort Greene, Prospects Heights, Bed-Sty and more. This is not the only scandal attached to the Markowitz-Ratner deal.

Ratner is using eminent domain to take away the homes of those living in the footprint of the development. He has bought off and gag ordered area residents. So far, the power has been removed from the City Council for the project to be reviewed by through the Uniform Land Use Review Process. Taxpayer subsidies are over one billion and climbing. This project must be stopped!

No democrat has stepped up to challenge Markowitz on his crusade of overdevelopment throughout Brooklyn so it is up to us – Green Party members and social justice activists.

The campaign is committed to raising the 50,000 dollars necessary to receive matching funds from the Campaign Finance Program. Although I raised close to 15,000 dollars for City Council and received over 50,000 in matching funds, this effort will require more. Please give as generously as you can. Print out the attached donor card and send that with your contribution made payable to: Committee to Elect Gloria Mattera 2005, 437 2 Street #1 Brooklyn, NY 11215.

Your time and involvement in the campaign is also important. Please send me an e-mail or fill out the volunteer form at www.electgloria.org to sign up for petitioning, tabling and outreach.

The campaign will also focus on other important issues – so stay tuned for more updates. I look forward to your participation.

peace & struggle,

Gloria 718 369-2998

Si Gerson

Si Gerson, the last vital link to the Communist Party’s glory days in NYC politics in the 1930’s and 40’s, died last December at the age of 95. Si was a valued colleague and comrade, and I miss him. The CP will be hosting a memorial in Si’s honor on June 10th.

Si was a journalist and political activist during the Popular Front era, when the CP enjoyed considerable mainstream clout as a partner in the American Labor Party, a New York coalition party consisting of labor activists, Socialists, Communists reform Democrats and liberal Republicans that effectively took back the city from Tammany Hall for a time.

Bookended by a corruption scandal that forced Mayor Jimmy Walker to flee the city in 1932 and by the start of anti-Communist hysteria in 1947, the era saw New York City freed from the grip of Tammany Hall hacks through political and electoral reform. The ancient Board of Alderman was replaced by a more representative City Council that would be elected by proportional representation (a ranked ballot that allowed the voter to express support for his favored candidates that could be redistributed to less favored candidates until one has won a majority vote). The CP’s Popular Front tactic was to run its candidates in its own name, but to support strong ALP and independent Black candidates where they existed.

Si demonstrated a knack for campaign strategy and legalities, and managed the repeated campaigns of Peter V. Cacchione, a popular community activist in Brooklyn, who, in his second campaign, became New York’s first Communist Councilman. Years later, Si wrote the political biography, “Pete.” The book is a fine legacy, and I strongly recommend it to scholars of NYC and leftist history for Si’s evocative day-to-day detailing of the campaigns and strategies, the vote counts and the convoluted workings of borough-based single transferrable voting – not mention fun memories of Young Communist League and Young People’s Socialist League members holding demonstrations in support of racial integration in the Ebbets Field bleachers, decades before the Dodgers finally hired Jackie Robinson.

Si Gerson was the focus of two major controversies during this period. First, as a cub reporter for the “Daily Worker,” Gerson was hired by Manhattan’s new progressive Borough President to be his executive assistant. The city’s papers (most notably, “The Daily News”) howled, and called on Stanley Isaacs to fire the young Communist. Isaacs brushed aside the criticism by insisting that Gerson was the best man for the job, and the controversy died. Gerson remained in the position for three years.

Gerson fared far worse when controversy reared its ugly head in 1947, as the Communist Party became Public Enemy #1 in the U.S.A. Proportional representation came under attack in New York since it had enabled not just Peter Cacchione but also Ben Davis, Communist from Harlem, to be elected to the City Council. A city charter revision was put on the ballot to revert elections to district-based winner-take-all contests. Cacchione campaigned with all his strength against the measure, but it passed and Pete’s heart literally broke. He died of a heart attack with one year left to his term.

Under the rules at the time, the vacancy on the City Council was to be filled with a member of the same party, nominated by the authorized party committee and ratified by the Council itself. Naturally, the members of the Communist Party selected Cacchione’s trusted partner, Si Gerson, to fill out the remainder of the term. The City Council balked at electing a Communist at a time when membership in the Communist Party was being outlawed. They delayed and allowed Pete’s term to expire.

Si Gerson was later arrested under the Smith Act, although by that time the law had been set aside and he served no prison time (Ben Davis, the Communist Councilman from Harlem, died in prison after his Smith Act conviction).

Si continued to write for the “Daily Worker,” becoming its Executive Editor, as it morphed into the “Daily World,” and, later, the “People’s Weekly World.” When the CP began running presidential tickets again in 1976, Si was the natural choice to serve as campaign manager. He remained the party’s resident election expert, although campaigns became fewer and farther between as the party increasingly supported the Democratic ticket following Jesse Jackson’s 1988 campaign for President.

Navigating the byzantine election requirements (the laws regulating ballot access across the country became much more draconian during the Red Scare) convinced Si that third parties had to unite in order to pry open the political process. He was a figure in just such a formation, the Coalition for Free and Open Elections, which is where I met and worked with Si, who served as the organization’s secretary until failing health forced him to step back and I succeeded him. In the mid-90’s, younger, successful third parties like the Greens and Libertarians came to dominate CoFOE and pushed for a narrow focus on knocking down signature requirements for ballot access. Si remained steadfast: free and open elections means not just lower petition requirements, but universal suffrage, campaign finance, proportional representation and a guarantee that all votes be counted. He felt vindicated by the recent election board monkey business in Florida, Ohio and elsewhere. Si, and his comrades, had been complaining about the lack of essential fairness in elections for years. Now the country was noticing what Si had been focused on for years.

Si’s Memorial will be from 6:00 pm until 8:00 pm on Friday, June 10 at NYU’s Tamiment Library (70 Washington Square South).