This Is a Shamelessly Factional Button

Shannon Hammock just mailed me a parcel of the past: silly factional buttons from the Socialist Party’s 2001 national convention. It was the first time in many years that an organized caucus was formed to compete for seats on the party’s national committee. Although they called themselves “the Issues Caucus,” their focus seemed to be on personalities. They lumped a bunch of comrades with wildly different politics that didn’t necessarily even like each other into a cabal, the “us vs. them” that they had to “get.” And so I was opposed for re-election as the party’s Vice Chairman, and Shannon and I printed up a bunch of buttons that mocked the whole situation.

“This is a shamelessly factional button” was a properly irreverent sentiment, and I think we got comrades on all sides to wear those little yellow buttons. “No Factions” and the Rodney King button further got the point across. “I’m okay. You have ‘Issues'” was cute, I thought. The cowboy button was inspired by a bizarre, rambling attack e-mail by one young comrade from Chicago that ended with the hysterical exhortation, “Circle the wagons, boys!!!”

In another e-mail, David McReynolds had accused me of being “against Chicago.” My flippant response was that I had nothing against the city of Chicago, except that I hate the way they cut pizzas into squares. I’m really very right-wing on this issue. As my response successfully diverted attention from whatever-the-hell supposed “issue” we were debating to a free-for-all over what constitutes good pizza (I’m not actually making this up), we thought “No Square Pizzas” would make a good button. Bill Stodden later formed a “No Square Pizza” Caucus to keep up the shenanigans, but, being anti-organized factions myself, I did not join.

Much of the personality focus was on lumping myself and Greg Pason together as some kind of gruesome twosome of party bureaucrats. It was so bad that one could be forgiven for thinking that Greg’s last name is “and Shaun.” The picture of the two of us, with the word “Evil?” was a fitting rejoinder. (What’s particularly funny about that button is that there was a third man standing between us in the original photograph, but, like a good apparatchik, I airbrushed the comrade out of the photo!) The idea of floating Greg’s name as a possible Presidential candidate (even on the preposterous ticket of Greg Pason-Angela Davis) was, perversely meant to provoke a little more hostility from the anti-Greg and Shaun crowd. The supreme irony, of course, is that Greg and I, despite being good friends, could never agree on anything politically.

Finally, my sole campaign button read, “Shaun indulges my vices, so I’ll indulge him as Vice Chair.” The only campaign caucusing I did that weekend in Boulder consisted of booze and sex and lots of it (well, mostly booze). I lost, of course.

The Great Blog Circle Jerk, part IV

I’m pleased as punch to finally be able to acknowledge someone who has been instrumental in keeping me on the dubya dubya dubya dot org all these years. I’ve worked with Josh Handle (Handle is a “handle,” dig?) on a number of socialist websites (including Ypsl’s and others) over the years, most of which he designed as I barked orders for how it should look. For my own dot org, he’s been an indispensable resource for coaching me through Blosxom, WordPress, PhP and other techno-gibberish that I would not otherwise understand.

Josh shares that democratizing impulse for the internet on his own blog, Open Source Society. It’s a good resource, and probably about as readable as this geek talk can be. If you need more hand holding, he’s offering his services for a fee for web design. His web design work, and, more importantly, his availability and cooperativeness, get the strongest endorsement from me. Plus, it’s for a good cause. Comrade’s got a lot of babies to feed.

Nothing Is Revealed

Todd Haynes’ new anti-biopic, “I’m Not There,” lives up to its hype as the perfect film distillation of the life and legend of Bob Dylan. The stories of six Dylan-like characters (played, among others, by a 13-year-old black boy, a British actress, Richard Gere and Batman) intertwine, and, naturally, nothing is revealed.

The soundtrack is fantastic, including covers by a who’s who of middle-aged alt-rock and a terrific selection of Dylan classics and overlooked gems like “Blind Willie McTell” and the early version of “Idiot Wind” that wound up on the cutting room floor for “Blood On The Tracks.” The title is taken from a heretofore unreleased “basement tapes” recording, one of those haunting songs that Dylan recorded in one take and perversely never touched again, much to the chagrin of us cultists. It turns up here in a re-mastered mix and Sonic Youth cover.

Cultists, the only folks who could properly enjoy two and a half hours of abstract Dylanology, will have a field day with character names, set decoration and other sly references to songs both popular and rare. The rest of the squares, like the couple sitting behind me who would not shut up, will content themselves by pointing out that Cate Blanchett’s insufferable-prick-era “Dylan,” Jude Quinn, “probably means the Rolling Stones,” when introducing Brian Jones as a member of “that cute little cover band.”

For many, the scenes that stretch hardest for credibility are Richard Gere as Billy the Kid-in-hiding, after escaping Pat Garrett’s bullet. For me, this is the most enjoyable part of the film. It’s a tribute and celebration of Dylan’s weird and wonderful “basement tapes” period; a tangled up mix of Americana from the Civil Way to the Dust Bowl, with circus freaks and outlaws and ostriches, that somehow makes sense of non-sensical lyrics like “pack up the meat, sweet” and “open the door, Homer.” It’s a visual delight for any true Dylan freak.

The Good, The Perfect and the Wisconsin Compromise

I attended an interesting conference on “Health Care for All,” sponsored by Citizen Action at Rutgers University today, with a lot of breathless anticipation about how the 2008 elections were going to provide a mandate to finally get a national health plan. That is, if our policy-thinkers and policy-makers don’t compromise it to death. Dr. Oliver Fein, of Physicians for a National Health Plan, provided a spirited advocacy for universal single payer health care – “Medicare for All” – with a direct challenge to the for-profit insurance lobby and the compromisers. Too bad he’s not running for President. Representatives for Obama’s and Clinton’s campaigns were in attendance and said a whole lot about nothing, which does not bode well for voters’ supposed mandate for meaningful reform.

In the face of federal inaction, many states are putting together piecemeal, stop-gap programs. New Jersey’s slow move in this direction was the ostensible purpose for the conference. The state of Wisconsin is apparently close to enacting (or at least voting on) a pretty good plan that, nevertheless, demonstrates the pitfalls of statewide solutions. What Wisconsin would do, according to Dr. Robert Kraig of Citizen Action, is what most states do to insure their own employees. They spell out the terms of coverage – what procedures would be fully reimbursed, how much hospitalization, whether there would be co-pays or deductibles, that no one be denied coverage because of age, location or pre-existing condition, that no more than 15% of the costs go towards advertising and administration, etc. – and then contract out with various companies to provide the coverage. The Wisconsin plan would replace private insurance with a payroll tax to fund a statewide system and throw everyone into the same statewide pool, but allow individuals to choose between different insurance companies – Blue Cross, GHI and the like – or a state-run, non-profit plan. This idea of creating a state plan to compete with the private companies is apparently coming up often in these compromise plans. The thinking is that it’s a backdoor to single-payer health insurance, since a non-profit state-run plan would be cheaper and more efficient and would inevitably drive the private companies out of the market. At the very least, it is reasoned, they will keep the private companies competitive and “honest.” Call me a cynical socialist, but I assume the public plans will be sabotaged in some way so that the “superiority” of private plans will be proved.

Nevertheless, from an operational standpoint, the Wisconsin plan would work. It would provide good, comprehensive health care for everyone. However, I’m afraid it wouldn’t retain enough public support to survive the gauntlet of opposition it will receive from business and the insurance lobby. The problem is the funding formula. The plan calls for a ten percent payroll tax on employers, which is a good, suitable level (California’s Super Hero Governor is proposing a meager 6% payroll tax for his less-than-universal plan). A ten percent tax is less than employers pay for good health insurance, but more than employers pay for lousy or no insurance, helping even the playing field for companies than have been competing over health care costs (like Wal-Mart and the unionized supermarkets).

However, the plan also calls for a four percent payroll tax on employees, which, simply put, represents a pay cut for many workers for something they already have. Workers who have formed unions and bargained to gain and maintain good health insurance have already forgone higher wages in lieu of that insurance. To propose that they take a cut now, essentially to bail out employers who have shirked their responsibilities, is not only unfair, it is politically untenable. No matter what proposals come out for universal health care, the insurance lobby is going to spend tons of money on television and radio advertising to scare voters out of supporting the plan. Why give them a good, scary issue? Perhaps I see this more clearly as a union organizer. During a union recognition vote, an employer campaigns to convince his employees to vote against forming a union. The employer never campaigns on his issues – his need to maintain “flexibility” and the ability to freeze or cut wages, increase hours and lay off employees as he sees fit – because these issues are obviously not in the interest of his workers. So, the employer instead campaigns on an issue that is in the interest of the workers: their paychecks. Every employer-run anti-union campaign makes union dues a main focus. The insurance lobby is not going to campaign on its need to maintain profits at the expense of people’s health, but they will campaign on issues of costs and taxes.

Wisconsin, like any other state, is limited in terms of its options for new revenue, so a payroll tax (the burden of which falls inordinately on working people) is one of its few options. The federal government, which ultimately should take up the responsibility of a universal plan, has many more equitable options. To fund a “Medicare for All” plan, Congress could and should implement a payroll tax on employers. But Congress could also repeal the Bush tax cut, which mostly went to the wealthy, or increase the capital gains tax, which is how the wealthy get obscenely wealthy. Congress could probably find enough money to fund the program in the billions that are currently being blown to smithereens in Iraq.

As Dr. Fein, of PNHP, remarked at the conference, a long-held saying in the movement for national health, has been “don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good.” Meaning, don’t let our pipe dream of single payer health insurance stand in the way of a compromise that we can get now. Now, with health care reform definitely on the agenda, it’s all the more important to hold firm to our convictions that single payer health care is not a pipe dream. It is not merely a wonky distinction between a bunch of “equally good” compromise plans put forth by the candidates. It is the only plan that can coalesce and maintain a coalition of unions, community and advocacy groups, healthcare professionals and taxpayers that can survive the barrage of attacks that any plan – good, perfect or terrible – will inevitably face from the merchants of death in the insurance lobby.