The Land Where It’s Never Christmas

The Guardian of London has a heart-warming seasonal story about a small town called North Pole in Alaska, where it’s Christmas 365 days a year and all the town’s residents (including the school children) answer “letters to Santa” that come in from around the world. Last spring, a group of about a dozen of North Pole’s sixth graders were caught “making a list and checking it twice.” Their Columbine-style massacre plot was narrowly thwarted. Perhaps the incessant holiday “cheer” drove them to it, writer Jon Ronson wonders?

I was thinking about North Pole while doing some grocery shopping this morning in Kew Gardens, the Land Where It’s Never Christmas. All the shops are open as normal. Perhaps they’ll close an hour early for the big day in deference to the rest of society. There are no Santas around, the streetlights are plain and unadorned and almost no houses are decorated. It’s bliss. This is a less-advertised perk of living in a majority Jewish neighborhood (and, being Queens, those who aren’t Jewish are Hindu, Sikh, Taoist, Buddhist and Stewardess). Sure, it’s hell to find parking on a Friday night, but you won’t be driven bonkers by the whole “X-Mas Atmos.”

Serving on my co-op’s board, it has come to my attention that my apartment has probably doubled in value in the last three years. If we promote this whole “No Christmas” thing the way that North Pole promotes its “Year-round Christmas” thing, we could probably redouble our home values with all the Scrooges beating a path to our doors. But if I ever do sell, someone please remind me of this post. Just start singing “Jingle Bells,” and my Pavlovian response will kick in: “Never leave Kew Gardens.”

Cults Bands of the “80’s-90’s”

The other day I was debating who might be the “most influential bands of the 90’s,” which is a more polite way of saying “whose fault are the 00’s (uh-oh’s),” which is awfully unfair to a host of excellent bands. It’s not their fault that popular music fractured into a multitude of sub-genres, or that mass media melted down into niches like blogs and podcasts. It’s certainly not their fault that rock and roll is a highly derivative art form, for they did not choose their followers.

Easily, one of the most influential bands of the 90’s was Pavement. Slackers, shoegazers, ironic smartasses – it’s almost as if they bothered to draw up the blueprints for modern indie sensibilities. But they were too busy getting stoned and covering “School House Rock” songs. A lot of misguided critics and fans expected Pavement to do something Important ten years ago. Following a series of overdubbed home recordings and lo-fi e.p.s in the early 90’s, then band released two excellent long players, which offered increasingly competent musicianship and mysterious, occasionally cheeky, lyrics that hinted at greater depth and empathy. Real voice of a generation shit.

But 1995’s “Wowee Zowee” was a rambling, shambolic mess. Anything resembling a message was lost in the cacophony of genre pastiches and rubbish lyrics. The critics howled in disgust, the casual listeners dropped away and Pavement settled into the comfortable niche of cult artists. Ten years on, “Wowee Zowee” sounds like the band’s greatest artistic statement – precisely by not saying much of anything. It’s just a lot of jamming on good grooves, and occasionally throwing out an interesting turn of phrase. Matador Records continues to reissue Pavement’s albums in deluxe editions that include b-sides, demos and outtakes. The “Sordid Sentinels” edition of “Wowee Zowee” finally places the excellent single “Painted Soldiers” (which was promoted with a funny video of Spiral Stairs firing the other members of the band) on a proper Pavement album. Other highlights include an Australian radio set puts Malkmus on lead vocals for a strangely Lou Reed-ish “My Best Friend’s Arm” in which one can finally make out the lyrics (“Mt. Holyoke is my favorite friend and a college?”) and an acoustic demo of “Fight This Generation” that sounds more sinister than sarcastic.

It should not have come as a surprise that Pavement would settle for cult status. A formative influence on Stephen Malkmus was the ultimate cult band, the Fall. A first wave punk band from Manchester, centered around the prickly personality of Mark E. Smith and his mostly paid associates, the Fall are the kind of cult that brainwashes. The typical Fall song drones on repetitively around a catchy groove while Smith growls and howls something incomprehensible and (if you’re lucky) Brix Smith coos a beautiful harmony. The new(ish) double-disc collection, “50,000 Fall Fans Can’t Can’t Be Wrong” provides the easiest indoctrination into the cult of Mark E. Smith.

Hershey’s Corporate Kiss-Off


This article was originally published in the January-February 2003 issue of “The Socialist.”

The recent announcement by the trust that operates the Hershey Industrial School that it was considering selling a large stake in the Hershey Foods Corporation set off waves of protest in the town of Hershey, PA, that eventually sunk the proposal. What kind of company town has effective veto power over its corporate benefactor’s business plans? Clearly, Hershey is a company town like know other.

To understand it better, one should place the town’s history in the context of the social reform movement of the turn of the century that formed alternative model communities founded with the aims of conquering the abject poverty and gross inequalities of the era’s great cities. The most identifiable are the socialist cooperatives like Robert Owen’s New Harmony, IN and Job Harriman’s New Llanos, CA, but socialists did not have a monopoly on alternative city building. The towns of Pullman, IL – best known now for the disastrous American Railway Union strike that turned Eugene Debs towards socialism – and Hershey, PA – best known now as the poor man’s Disneyworld – were themselves social experiments.

When the Pullman Sleeping Car Company needed to expand in 1880, initial plans had the company simply building its factory complex with the city of St. Louis. Paternalism and arrogance drove George Pullman to instead build a new city that he thought would be free of alcoholism, crime, poverty and labor strife. Ironically, it was his devotion to the city of his creation that brought on the strike of 1893. Had Pullman’s factory been located in St. Louis, he would no doubt have simply laid off thousands of employees during the national depression that was causing profits to plummet, but as it was the main employer and economic engine for a community he built and felt responsible for, the company instead embarked on a plan for work sharing. Wage rates were never cut, but weekly pay for employees was severely reduced because of reduced hours.

The conventional story of the strike is that Pullman reduced his employees’ pay without lowering rent on the company-owned homes where many employees lived. However, the vast majority of employees lived in two adjoining towns that had sprung up around Pullman, where they could own their own homes, as well as avoid the company’s overbearing meddling in their private lives and morality, and, anyway, the company never evicted a single employee during the resulting rent strike. The strike was more a result of pent-up frustration with the company’s dominant role in all aspects of life in Pullman.

The famous strike was eventually put down by the National Guard, and work resumed at Pullman’s factory, but the town was never the same. George Pullman died in 1897, resentful of his reputation as a tyrant and the reputation of his model town as an oppressive fiefdom. One year later, the Illinois Supreme Court ordered the company to sell all land not involved in the production at the factory, and the town shortly blended into the rest of Chicago, as an industrial slum.


The Sweetest Place on Earth

Amazingly, just a few years after Pullman died, another self-made businessman decided to build a model company town of his own. Friends warned Milton Hershey that the Pullman town had been a disaster and a black mark on the Pullman name, and that Pullman’s residents wouldn’t have elected George Pullman dogcatcher. “I know we’re taking chances,” replied Hershey, “but I won’t be a candidate for dog catcher: I don’t like dogs that much.”

When Milton Hershey decided to build his model town, the name “Hershey” was not yet synonymous with milk chocolate. Indeed, in 1900 the world did not yet know milk chocolate. Chocolate was a luxurious treat for the wealthy. Milton Hershey had made a fortune with a caramel business, which he sold for the unprecedented sum of one million dollars in 1900. Although he retained rights to a small chocolate subsidiary, it specialized in novelty chocolates and was something of a hobby for Hershey, who simply planned to spend his wealth and the rest of his life touring the world with his wife.

For some reason, Hershey abandoned the idea of conspicuous consumption and opulent travel and, like George Pullman, became interested in solving the problems of modern industrial life. Thus, Milton Hershey started the Hershey Chocolate Co. to support his town, not vice versa. Hershey worked on a formula for milk chocolate that could be mass-produced, to provide his town with sustainable industry.

Ground broke on the new town in 1903, near its own source of dairy farms in Pennsylvania Dutch land. The Philadelphia and Reading Railroad served Hershey, at the request of Milton Hershey. Hershey also built a trolley system.

At the center of town was a 150 acre park, featuring a band shell, golf course and a zoo. Hershey continued to add attractions, and by 1913, the park was receiving 100,000 visitors a year, giving Hershey a second industry: tourism. Hershey built banks, department stores and public schools. In addition, he built training schools like the Hershey Industrial School, a generous boarding school for orphans.

In fact, when Hershey’s wife died in 1915 he donated his entire estate – 30 years before his own death – to the Milton Hershey School Trust, which operated the Hershey Industrial School. This strange, quiet act of philanthropy had the peculiar effect of creating a corporate giant that is to this day owned by an orphanage. The result is that the town of Hershey and the Hershey Foods Corp. are more closely tied than one might believe possible in this era of free trade.

Hershey, PA is no stranger to labor strife, however. In a case of history repeating itself, Hershey was the target of a strike by a radical labor union – this time the CIO – during a depression – this time the Great Depression. Despite the fact that Hershey laid off no workers and made no wage cuts, Hershey, PA was caught up in the wave of sit down strikes and Communist agitation. In April of 1937, 600 workers took control of the factory for five days. The strike was broken not by the National Guard, but by angry farmers (who were losing 800,000 pounds of milk a day) and workers loyal to the company, who broke into the factory and beat-up and forcibly removed the strikers. Hershey eventually signed a contract with the more conservative AFL.

Despite this black mark, the town of Hershey, PA is a modest success. Though by no means the utopia Hershey envisioned, the town exists today as a successful tourist destination and the chocolate factory continues pumping out product, and providing the town with a base for industrial jobs.

It may be easy for a reader who is normally critical of the role of corporations in public life to romanticize the example of Hershey, PA. Certainly, the relationship between the Hershey Company and the town of Hershey is an admirable one when compared to Flint, MI and General Motors. Also, since the established rules of the new global economy eschew corporate-community ties, we can be pretty sure that experiments like these are a thing of the past.

In fact, it was the rule of law that nearly caused the Hershey School to sell the company this past summer. The rules of “fiduciary responsibility” that have bedeviled stockholders’ “corporate responsibility” efforts caused Pennsylvania Attorney General, Mike Fisher, to pressure the trust to diversify its holdings, the majority of which are Hershey stock. It was enough to have business observers, like the Wall Street Journal, salivating over the merger possibilities, as well as the influx of Hershey Trust cash in a soft market. It also came at a time that Hershey workers were fighting out the longest strike in company history, over proposed health plan cutbacks, proposed by the first non-Hershey resident CEO in the company’s history. Whatever respite Hershey workers and residents have won seems likely to be short-lived.

This Is His Testimony: Jon Langford of the Mekons

This is his testimony. In 1991, Jon Langford and his mates from Leeds, the Mekons, had just missed their opportunity as rock-n-roll’s latest last best hope. After almost 15 years of lineup changes, a bunch of classic albums with lousy distribution, countless raucous alcohol-soaked tours and stylistic shifts from punk to country, dance and back, the Mekons were on the verge of saving rock music from big hair and empty heads when fights with A&M Records left their newest record without an outlet in the U.S., just as Nirvana opened up the radio to so-called “alternative rock.” They called that record “The Curse of the Mekons,” but their contract problems and bad luck didn’t piss them off as much as the fall of the Soviet Union and the media’s declaration of the “death of socialism.” “How can something really be dead when it hasn’t even happened,” long-time lefty Langford demands in the album’s highlight, “Funeral,” which concludes, “This funeral is for the wrong corpse!”

Last year marked the Mekons’ 25th anniversary, and Jon Langford has continued to be busier than ever. His Pine Valley Cosmonauts assembled an impressive line-up of underground country artists – including Neko Case and Steve Earle – released a well-received anti-death penalty benefit album, “The Executioner’s Last Songs,” early last year, and later in the year, he brought back many of the same artists to record, “The Bottle Let Me Down,” a tongue-in-cheek children’s album that parents could stomach. His alt.country band, the Waco Brothers, just wrapped up a tour on which Langford pulled double duty, playing in support of the Waco’s sixth disc, “New Deal,” as well as playing with tour openers the Sadies, with whom he just released a collaboration titled, “The Mayors of the Moon.” And, last fall, the Mekons marked their silver jubilee not with a compilation looking back on their career, but with an album of new material, “Out of Our Heads,” and a world club tour.


The Mekons Story

Langford spoke with The Socialist from his home in Chicago, on the eve of the Mekons’ tour. The Mekons, he says, were formed in punk’s first wave, with the idea that, “Your favorite band didn’t have to be people you never meet.” Indeed, the band got its start when schoolmates Langford, Tom Greenhaigh and Kevin Lycett borrowed their favorite band’s (and good friends), the Gang of Four’s, instruments to practice and record their new songs. The art school punk scene in Leeds, centered on the Mekons and Gang of Four, was more political, more intellectual and more danceable than London’s.

In the early days, Langford, Greenhaigh and Lycett released a string of 7″ singles, recorded on simple two track equipment, using borrowed instruments and whatever friends they could rope into the session to fill out the band. Their first single, “Never Been in a Riot,” was a piss-take on the Clash’s “White Riot.” Langford says he has always disliked the romantic outsider stance of punk and some of its thoughtless rhetoric. “When you say ‘smash the system,'” he asks, “what the fuck are you talking about? The national health system?” He found the same problem in parts of the organized left. “I was in the Socialist Workers Party for about half an hour,” quips Langford, who describes himself as a Welsh socialist and an “unaffiliated lefty.”

The Mekons’ early singles attracted the attention of Virgin Records, which released their first album in 1979. Its title, “The Quality of Mercy is Not Strnen,” a reference to that old axiom about a thousand monkeys, a thousand typewriters and a work of Shakespeare, was also a commentary on the band’s limited aptitude and everybody-pick-an-instrument-and-play style. Another album followed, but the band fizzled as England’s gig scene grew violent and they became financially dependent on a record label that didn’t know what to do with them. They broke up in 1982, and moved on to new projects. Langford even sold his drums to the goth band Sisters of Mercy, who painted them black.

However, “even when the band thought we split up,” says Langford, “we hadn’t.” The band members continued to hang out and work on art projects together. They even did a few live shows as the Mekons to benefit the striking miners. In 1985, the Mekons made a startling comeback as a country band. They added talented new members, such as Steve Goulding on drums, Susie Honeymoon on fiddle, and singer Sally Timms and released “Fear and Whiskey” on their own independent record label. The album was Hank Williams distilled through punk rock. “Country music struck quite a few chords at that point in our lives,” he says, as a string of broken relationships and too much hard drinking resulted in songs that were stark and personal, but also warm – not to mention musically accomplished.


Two more country albums followed, with better distribution in America, as did other sounds and influences. “Once we got past the first Year Zero days of punk,” he says, “we started to get into the idea of folk music, dance music, reggae.” Along with the new sounds came new members, who seemed to come and go at a rate that could populate several new bands a year, although Langford bristles at the idea that there have been that many personnel changes. “It’s kind of an open door policy, but there’s a core of people,” he says, although he likes the idea of adding younger members and having the band go on. “Here’s the Mekons,” he jokes, “with no one from the Mekons.”


The Curse of the Mekons

Their work in the 80’s made the Mekons critical darlings with a cult-like fan following, and brought them to A&M records. Their first album for A&M should have made them stars. “Destroy your safe and happy lives,” they demanded on the opening track of “The Mekons’ Rock and Roll.” The album was packed full of super-charged rock and rave-ups, but, ever the intellectuals, the band deconstructed their chosen art form throughout the album. One track offers a prostitution analogy for rock-n-roll; others use imperialism and consumerism. “The battles we fought were long and hard, just not to be consumed by rock and roll,” goes one refrain. Unfortunately, their second experience on a corporate record label proved to be more frustrating than the Virgin days. The album’s cover art, which incorporated a licensed image of Elvis Presley, tied the album up in lawsuits and delayed its release. When it finally hit record stores, it was poorly promoted.


More battles with A&M followed. The band wanted to release more albums. The label wanted fewer. Of course, the label also wanted more commercial material. A&M declined to release “Curse of the Mekons,” and it was available in America only as an import for a decade. The Mekons’ curse continued when they moved from A&M to Loud Records, a short-lived subsidiary of Warner Brothers, which tied them up in red tape for two years and never released a single note of music recorded by the band. When the Mekons were finally released from their contract, they immediately released the superb “I (Heart) Mekons” on the independent Touch and Go Records label and never looked back.

“I don’t work for major labels anymore,” Langford says today. Despite his own problems with the major labels over the years, he says he’s mostly uninvolved with the recent artists’ rebellion at the major labels. “There’s such a disparity between musicians,” he says, “that I don’t quite feel a part of that Don Henley struggle.” Still, he’s incredulous at the way the system is set up. “Somebody gives you some money,” he explains, “which you then owe them, to make something which they then own. I can understand why someone who sells three million records gets pissed off.”

Langford manages to eke out a living for himself through his art. “My wife will kill me if I do any more work for no money. For my next benefit album I have to do,” he jokes, “I promised her I’d embezzle all the money.” Working for indie labels, he says that he receives modest royalty checks about six months after a record is released, but that he would have to record about four or five records a year in order for that money to translate into a living wage. His biggest source of money recently was the use of two Waco Brothers songs in episodes of the HBO series “Sex and the City,” which, after repeats and DVD releases, translated in a “sizeable” royalty check.


Heaven and Back

These days, Langford, like the rest of the Mekons, no longer lives in Leeds. He moved to Chicago in 1992 to be with his then-girlfriend, Helen, who is now his wife. The couple has two children, 5-year-old Jimmy and newborn Tommy. He says that it’s because of his children that he finally became involved in U.S. political issues, most notably the campaign to end the death penalty. “I felt like it’s time I should step up,” he says, describing it as a “winnable fight.” On “The Executioner’s Last Songs,” Langford assembled over a dozen Chicago-area alternative country artists, along Nashville’s Steve Earle among others, to cover classic songs about murder and mayhem, with the proceeds benefiting the Illinois Coalition Against the Death Penalty. Langford speaks very warmly of the Chicago music scene, which he feels has even more of a sense of community than the old punk days in Leeds.

“I’m a socialist because I believe in a sense of community,” he says. “I think a community needs to look after people, rather than rip them off. It’s as simple as that.” His sense of community is underscored by his strong identification with the three places he has called home over the years. “I feel like Chicago’s the only place I could live in America,” he says. Ten years in, Chicago (and America) are as much a part of his identity as Leeds and Wales, whose working class identity and “people got to work, people got to eat” ethos he credits for his socialist politics.

Jon Langford will continue to be an activist in the U.S. on his own terms, and despite his own ambivalence about the organized left. “A lot of people on the left seem to fear musicians and artists, for some reason, as being free spirits, or kinda sneer at them for not being intellectually rigorous,” he says. “Music reflects social change,” he explains. “I don’t think it instigates social change, but you can be a morale builder.”

This article was originally published in the March-April 2003 issue of “The Socialist.”